President Michel Temer talks to EBC journalists

For the first time since he took office, President Michel Temer granted an exclusive interview to Empresa Brasil de Comunicação (EBC). For close to an hour, the president answered questions from a number of EBC news outlets on the topics of economy, re-election, and social programs, and unveiled measures to boost employment and income. Also this month, the Caixa Econômica Federal is expected to earmark the profits from loans for the construction of 150 thousand popular housing units and for municipal governments.

“This is the first time I grant [EBC] an interview, and I believe we could have more of these conversations, as they provide a natural way for a president to bring his or her acts of government to the public at large and discuss matters relevant to society,” the president stated. Photo: Marcos Corrêa/PR - Marcos Corrêa/PR

He also expressed his support for the federal public security intervention currently being conducted in Rio de Janeiro, but announced that the crackdown will not be replicated in other states. When asked about plea bargain deals, Temer described them as useful, but stressed they should not be seen as definitive proof: “They’re just the beginning of investigations.” Without specifically naming executive Joesley Batista, the president stated that the leak distorted the nature of the recorded conversation, which, he said, brought about the “most unjust” moment of his government.

When questioned about the negative response sparked after he expressed his condolences to the victims of the building that collapsed in downtown São Paulo on May 1, Temer said it was an act of “courage [on the part of] an authority,” and that the incident would not keep him from seeking re-election in October. He further celebrated the reduction in interest and the inflation, as well as the financial recovery of state-controlled oil giant Petrobras and Banco do Brasil.

The interview was aired in its entirety by NBR, and is slated to be rerun at 9:45 pm on TV Brasil, Brasília time. A written version can also be read on Agência Brasil online. The main parts of the talk will be aired on the main news show on TV Brasil and radios controlled by EBC.

“This is the first time I grant [EBC] an interview, and I believe we could have more of these conversations, as they provide a natural way for a president to bring his or her acts of government to the public at large and discuss matters relevant to society,” the president stated.

Here is the full transcript of the interview, granted by President Michel Temer to EBC, at the Alvorada presidential palace.

Dialogue

“In this government, we have two keywords. The first word, which virtually inaugurated my administration, was 'dialogue'—dialogue, first of all, with the Legislative Branch, as there had been no dialogue from the Executive to the Legislative. Atypically enough, the Legislative had always been seen as some sort of appendix for the Executive. We did something different. We led the Legislative to rule alongside the Executive. All proposals we submitted to the Legislative, you see, were very quickly approved. I remember very distinctly that one of the proposals we made was setting a cap on public spending. This brought confidence to the market, and, of course, to all of those who produce in our country. As a result, I believe this first topic greatly helped establish—or re-establish—confidence in the government as well as confidence in the country, which, of course, led to this reduction you’ve just mentioned. It proved useful for the Brazilian economy, as it brought a new momentum to the economy. The word 'dialogue' was the first I used among so many other expressions I employed over time to move our government forward, so to speak. This initial phase, I can say, was founded on the word 'dialogue.'”

Unemployment rates

“There has been a substantial reduction over time. You see, to mention concrete data, in January this year, the CAGED [General Register of the Employed and Unemployed], which has the total number of formally registered jobs, posted some 78 thousand workers; in February, approximately 66 or 67 thousand workers; in March, 57 or 58 thousand. I myself questioned the economic staff on this concern you’re expressing. How did that come about? The figures indicate that nearly 200 thousand formal job posts were reported for this three-month period. Nonetheless, data from the IBGE [Brazilian Institute of Geography and Statistics] report some 13 million unemployed. What can account for that, you may ask yourself? This is actually positive. When the economy improves, the search for employment increases along with it. So, discouraged, people would not look for jobs; but when economic improvement came, people started looking for a job. And, as there isn’t employment for everybody at the moment, the IBGE makes an estimate based on the encouragement which proved ineffectual at first. Those who did look for employment but couldn’t find any—these are the ones regarded as unemployed.”

Will it be possible to bring employment back up?

“Surely, you know that the economic policy of our administration is founded on the idea of recovering employment, and, on top of employment recovery, the recovery of job posts. Well, this confidence I mentioned in the first question brought along with it over 1.5 million job posts in this four-month time span. In other words, people with no occupations, no purpose, no activity, were given one. Hairdressers, popcorn vendors, the food sector—people were given jobs. And if they were given jobs, it’s because these occupations provided them with pay. This is clear proof that the economy is recovering.”

Profits from Caixa Econômica turned into credit

“We talked about that these days, as a matter of fact. Not just for construction—as construction ranks among the activities that give people the highest amount of jobs in our country. We are near to completing studies to unveil approximately 150 thousand affordable houses as part of the Minha Casa, Minha Vida [affordable housing program]. This will give construction a significant boost. We’re also studying these gains with a view of granting loans to local governments—because, when you lend money to a municipality, as a result of some government decision, the municipality can offer the so-called Fund for the Participation of Municipalities [FPM in the original acronym] as guarantee—which wasn’t a possibility in the past. This will also increase the times municipal government authorities resort to Caixa Econômica Federal, with the FPM as a guarantee, for loans. And these are loans which are bound to generate employment. I expect it to be implemented this month.”

Lower interest

“It’s interesting to see, for instance, how much the reduction in the inflation and lower interest are celebrated when they lead to higher pay. You get a higher salary as a result of the lower inflation, and of course, lower interest. Food is cheaper. Prices don’t hike. This has a meaning, so to speak, among the more vulnerable classes. That’s why I say that, both the reduction in interest and the lower inflation are important for Brazilian society.”

Interest and consumers

“It’s intriguing. People fail to understand how the SELIC [benchmark interest] rate plunges but interest is still high. First, take credit cards, for instance. A recent resolution by the National Monetary Council has cut the interest for credit cards, bringing an end to that revolving credit […]. On the other hand, I’ve been talking a lot with Ilan [Goldfajn], president of the Central Bank, who is taking care of that—lowering interest—with banks, of course. And there’s more. You see, Caixa Econômica Federal has lowered interest in real estate credit. We take the same direction when it comes to cutting interest. There’s been a slight decline, but it needs to be more significant, and this has been taken care of.

Caixa and Banco do Brasil consider reducing interest in order to serve as a parameter for other banks

“That’s right. Actually, when official banks—Banco do Brasil and Caixa Econômica—cut interest, they serve as a parameter for the other banks. This is being considered.”

Increasing the Bolsa Família and reducing its wait line for prospective beneficiaries

“I believe this is a major social gain. It’s one of the big social gains. As a matter of fact, I’d like to add, that no increase had been given to the Bolsa Família [conditional cash transfer program] for over two years and a half. I immediately readjusted it, two or three months later. This was two years ago. And, faced with the inflation, still low in that two-year period, there was no readjustment for the Bolsa Família. Two years later, however, we decided to raise it—you’re right—above the inflation. It was an important move. I must say, mentioning this number, some nine or ten reais more, but that’s important to meet the needs of the Bolsa Família. This value has a meaning. I must say, that’s not the only stride made by the government in the social arena. Consider also the funding for university students. We’ve considerably expanded the number of spots by over some 70 thousand for FIES, the student funding, which is also of the utmost social importance. I should add, now, that the greatest social importance lies in preventing food prices to grow, as I’ve just mentioned. Second, the value of salaries, amid the figures I’ve just disclosed. Third—which is something we’ll work hard to fight—is joblessness. The best way to lead a great government, social in its nature, is fighting unemployment. You see, according to CAGED data, in 2015, the deficit in the number of job posts stood at slightly upwards of 1,000,300. Late in 2017, the negative balance totaled just slightly fewer than 20 thousand jobs. Notice the evolution during this time. And now we’re taken back to the same question. As I explained before, when the economy gets better, people start looking for jobs; and, sometimes, not finding one, they become part of the statistics as unemployed.”

Petrobras accounts cleared and floating fuel prices

“Those are two different things. As for the former, I’d like to take this chance to talk about the significant recovery of Petrobras. Well, if we go back two and a half years, the name Petrobras was virtually profanity, so to speak. The image of Petrobras was regarded very poorly. As a matter of course, shares were low; as an institution, Petrobras itself was depreciated. But there’s Pedro Parente [Petrobras CEO], a great administrator, who soon brought Petrobras back on its feet. Petrobras’s shares grew in value. Today, there’s another concept to Petrobras. In this connection, however, let me tell you one thing. Two or three weeks ago, [Paulo] Caffarelli, President of Banco do Brasil, called me and said: 'Look, president, when we got here, a Banco do Brasil share was R$ 15. Today it stands at R$ 45.' In other words, assets adding up to approximately R$ 35 billion reach R$ 125 billion today. I’m giving you two examples in order to make clear how much Petrobras recovered on the one hand, and Branco do Brasil and state-controlled companies in general. And also, on a second topic, I worked to have a law approved which makes it impossible for sitting public officials to serve in state-run firms. That is to say, only technical experts are allowed in there. That’s why I’d like to reiterate that the firms like the ones I named just now for the sake of illustration saw a remarkable increase in assets. Now as for the policy on prices, indeed, Pedro Parente told me some time ago that we should keep an eye on international prices, as it provides a lot of legal security to those investing in Petrobras as well as in this field. And these prices are sometimes on the rise, sometimes on the wane. But they also provide investors with a lot of credibility and legal security.”

Cheaper gasoline

“Sadly for now, we should preserve [the policy on price fluctuation], because, when it comes to Petrobras, legal security is also relevant. It’s possible—indeed likely—that the price falls internationally. If that proves to be the case, the prices of the goods sold by Petrobras will fall along with it.”

US decision to introduce tariffs on steel and aluminum from Brazil

“The Ministry of Foreign Relations and the Ministry of Industry and Trade launched a note concerning the relevant sectors for aluminum and steel. When it comes to steel, we export a lot of unfinished steel. They complement steel in the US. There’s a tendency towards accepting the quotas being demanded by the US. No decision has been made yet. That’s one possibility—a quota based on three months of exports, or else an increase not of 25% but 10%. This is still under consideration. Aluminum is no different. This is so much the case that we’ve made a statement—we’re not sure weather or not this will be taken to the World Trade Organization; we still have to decide on that. For now, or course, the stance of producers is, they don’t want to lose the market. Curiously enough, US companies that get unfinished steel also want to continue receiving these shipments. They run out of steel in the US and they profit from this complement. This decision by the US has not been useful. It was postponed in its first month, wasn’t it? It was put off in the second month as well. Who knows, we may close out the second month having negotiated better conditions.”

Reforms and priorities

“I should say that key reforms have been carried out. If we include the cap on public spending... It’s also part of a trivial formula. You shouldn’t spend more than you raise. It’s like a family. You can’t spend more than the money you make. See, what we did introducing the cap on spending was a revolutionary act. Nobody dared to do such a thing. And we also did it responsibly. In other words, it wasn’t a populist decision—we’ll make it better for a year, and bring it all back again next year. On the contrary, we brought forward a bill, which then turned into a constitutional amendment bill, which stipulates a 20-year term, which can be revised for another ten years. Why? Because it is assumed that in ten years you can perhaps bring the amount you raise on the same level with the amount you spend. You see, in our first year, the deficit had been at R$ 179 billion; in the second, R$ 159 billion; and now it’s likely to slip to R$ 139 billion. Thus, supposing in ten years’ time you reach a balance between what you raise and public spending, in such a way that we can thoroughly revise the cap on public spending. Secondly, we carried out a high-school overhaul. It may seem like a minor achievement, but it’s not. I served as lower house speaker twenty years ago, in 1997, when 20 years went by and no high-school reform was undertaken. They used to say that elementary and middle school students couldn’t multiply or divide, knew no History, no Portuguese, and expressed themselves poorly. Very well, then. In our administration, we conducted the high-school reform. You’ve seen the protests erupting. At the meetings we held with state secretaries for education, it was welcomed by over 95% of the educational sector. So it’s clear it had a greater significance. It was a large-scale overhaul. Third, the reform for the modernization of labor laws. Our labor legislation dates back to 1943, with slight changes made over the years. The one major modernization came about in this reform regarded by all as daring, but also welcomed by many. Therefore, the first remark I’d like to make is that great reforms have been implemented. Now, a crucial reform is that of the pension system. And this is where I come in with the issue raised by Valter [Lima, journalist with Rádio Nacional]. The pension reform is key. You have a deficit today of some R$ 180 billion, and you can’t stand a deficit this big for one or two more years in the pension system. And shortly afterwards we went for the pension reform. And we were practically in the beginning of an election year, which makes a vote approving the pension overhaul more difficult. But then something of greater momentum took place—the federal intervention in the public security of Rio de Janeiro. And you know how values are seen as crucial in public administration. So, if one was to make the tough choice between the value for public security, which would eventually affect not just the state of Rio de Janeiro, but several other Brazilian states—we had to mobilize the Armed Forces, as requested by state governments; so when there was the issue with Rio de Janeiro, the intervention—and a cooperative one at that, as Governor [Luiz Fernando] Pezão requested this intervention, considering the fact that no constitutional amendment can be brought to vote during an intervention. So we had to bring the push to pass the pension reform to a halt.”

Pension reform and the political agenda

“We’ve brought the pension reform onto the country’s political agenda. It may have been temporarily taken out of the legislative agenda, but not the political agenda. I should say that there cannot be any candidate running for president, senator, governor, federal deputy who will not have to say what they think about the pension reform out in the open. So, the first topic is, it’s not improbable [inaudible] that we may come to see it later this year, as the federal intervention decreed bans any constitutional amendment from being voted on. But if it drags on until September or October, we’ll still have a month—part of September, part of October, November, or part of December to bring it back onto the legislative agenda. And I’d like to stress, it has never been cross out of the political agenda. Lawmakers in both congressional houses will have been re-elected by then, and there would be no coming elections, which would make the vote on the pension reform a lot easier. So, I’ll say it again, if it doesn’t pass now, it’s certain to be approve early next year.”

Venezuelans

“We have to shelter them. This should come first, as this concerns not only the Constitution, but also international treaties we have signed pledging to offer them shelter. I remember the first time we went to the UN, well, and Brazil opens the proceedings of the year, and one of the great topics is that of refugees. There was even a special session to deal with refugees, and we said that Brazil is open to them, and refugees in Europe was under a lot of debate at the time. And now that Venezuela is facing all sorts of difficulties—famine, the lack of jobs, a minimum wage, and the ability to meet the needs of Venezuelans—should we shut our borders? You tell me this may prove detrimental to Brazil? In a way, well, it may. But we’re fulfilling a number of commitments we’ve made—the first of them being to provide more or less substantial funds to welcome them up in Roraima. That’s the first issue. Secondly, we’re providing medical care. Thirdly, we’re offering shelter, of course. I admit there are a large number of Venezuelans entering Brazil on a daily basis. Sometimes the shelter isn’t enough for all of them, but we’re making arrangements to prove shelter for all of them. Another key issue is, I’ve recently signed a decree creating a provisional identity for refugees. First, this provisional identity even enables them to find work—not informal work, but formally registered employment. Regardless of issues that may arise, we’re offering them protection and assistance to those visiting Brazil.

“Now, a few days ago, we had the visit of Colombian President [Juan Manuel] Santos, who believes refugees in Colombia add up to 300 or 400 thousand. We’re still near 50, maybe 60 thousand. Is it a problem? It certainly is, but Brazil has the conditions to welcome them.”

Autonomy and independence of institutions

“Operation Car Wash means just one thing: institutions in Brazil are fully operational. Interestingly enough, all sorts of remarks have been made in this connections, and I’ve always argued for the absolute need for sticking to the Constitution, as it is the state’s number one authority. My concern is always noncompliance with the Constitution; when you violate it, society is left disorganized. If you stay in the strictest compliance with the Constitution, you have legal and social quiet in the country. How do you keep in compliance with the Constitution? First, you have to preserve the harmony and independence between government branches—not because we want to, but because the Brazilian state’s popular sovereignty mandates it, and, to my mind, successfully so. The [branches] today operate smoothly. There’s no impediment to the exercise of any of the branches.”

The work of the Prosecution Service

“The Prosecution Service, in particular, has its prerogatives because of its operational autonomy, which means that the Legislative, Executive, and Judiciary branches must not interfere with its internal affairs. The Prosecution Service is fulfilling its role. One can make this or that remark, but they’re remarks of a judicial nature. In other words, if a prosecutor takes a particular stance, opponents may discuss possible judicial, but not institutional errors. I cannot say whether this one or that one may be politically biased. I mean to say that the institution itself has not become politically biased, to use a phrase I’m fond of. If you claim that one or another [prosecutor] has had political aspirations, this one or that one intended to act with a political aim in mind, I could even agree with that, but what matters is talking about the institution. And the institution has worked regularly. It fulfills its role. The distinction one has to make is, let’s say, taking the Legislative branch, you cannot say that everyone in the Legislative branch acts the same way. You can’t take the Executive branch and say the same. And the Judiciary, likewise.  The same concept applies for the Prosecution Service. It may be that one or another official deviates from its judicial duties. And if it comes to be the case, it will also be of a judicial quality, of course, with the counsel of the parties involved.”

Charges and impeachment

“The two charges [filed in 2017] were despicable. So much so that the National Congress—the lower house—was quick to reject them; not reject them, but prevent them from further advancing. This alleged third allegation is a campaign launched by the opposition, of course—in the legislative, perhaps, wherever it may be located. It’s nothing but a hypothesis presented in a bid to demoralize my administration, with no possibility whatsoever to go any further than this. I’d go as far as to say it’s even more despicable than the two previous ones that came before. I’m not worried in the least. It’s just a rampant effort to have them go ‘oh, here’s the third allegation’ etc. This is an attempt o undermine the government. But, look, if we have resisted this far, we can resist for another four or five months. Indeed, when you ask yourself ‘Is this possible?’ it would be, let’s say, appropriate to deal with the issue of ousting a president five months early, if they committed an offense. If they really did commit an indisputable offense, of course, they must not remain in power for a month longer. Now, if this question is directed at Brazil, I’d say that, if I were to rate this possibility, it would have to be zero.”

Plea bargain deals

“I’ve noticed that those under a plea bargain deal often want to get away with a possible penalty. So they give their testimony; I’m not sure how they’re interrogated. Sometimes it’s done in such a way that they go ‘look, if you say this or that, you can go free.’ I’m not sure how this happens during questioning. Of course, those under a blea bargain have always in mind that their statement can rid him of a longer sentence or even the whole sentence. I had a concrete case—you’re familiar with it, it concerns myself—in which the individual in question made a recording, and then went on to give his testimony, and in doing so recounted a number of blatant falsehoods. And on the forging of such falsehoods, these blatant lies were later brought to light by himself in a conversation, let’s say, poorly arranged, between him, an advisor, and a lawyer, and ended up in the hands of the former prosecutor-general, who ordered the arrest of the man who had previously accused me. He spent a reasonable time in jail. So I think plea bargain deals are a useful thing when conducted appropriately and well established. If you take the plea bargain statement as a fact that will simply serve to rid an individual of a longer sentence, I find it fruitless.”

Probes launched by the Prosecution Service and the Federal Police

“I believe that the Federal Police are the ones tasked with spearheading investigations, and, of course, hearing the testimonies alongside the Prosecution Service, accepting the statements. Now, it should not be regarded as the ultimate proof. This has been the case lately: an individual said that so-and-so, and so-and-so has been convicted. Well, the statement is virtually the beginning of the case. They’re the first evidence, if it does come to be confirmed by several other information making up the proceedings. This is the state of affairs today. The statement is heard and the accused is convicted, case closed. This shouldn’t happen, because the case is practically ongoing. It can be intriguing, as a matter of fact. The plea bargain statement should be heard, in my opinion about legal matters, after a number of facts arises allowing the statement to be regarded as confirmation.  Other documented evidence, and witness testimonies will should confirm the statement. But, to answer your question directly, plea bargain statements have often served to lead the one under it to say things that are not true. The statements themselves are not the issue here.”

Leaks

“What the Federal Police must not do is to interfere through leaks. Well, the probe must be conducted under secrecy. I have often observed that, when a case is confidential, the defense requests access, which is denied. The defense then is content. […] When the defense, however, having been through this, asks for access to the proceedings and is given this answer, the case is on the newspaper on the following day. Well, it wasn’t the journalist—as I said before—who surreptitiously grabbed hold of the proceedings in the dark of the night. Someone had it leaked. Such an incident must not take place with the Federal Police or any other sector where cases are kept under secrecy.”

The Joesley Batista incident

“That was the most unjust one, because actually—interestingly enough—a sentence was made up. I’ll say it: ‘I’m giving money to deputy so-and-so to keep him silent.’ And I’m said to have replied: ‘Keep it like this.’ Today, people know, the press knows, that this sentence is nowhere to be found throughout the recording. You can take the whole of it. It’s not there. What is there is: ‘I’m in good terms with hm.’ That’s what I said: ‘Must keep it like this.’ So it’s interesting how this sentence came to be introduced as something true, definitive. Such a hassle. Many came to realize they couldn’t use it, and here’s what they say. They publish the story the next day, saying, ‘Keep it like this.” According to the prosecutor-general, this was the previous sentence. But it doesn’t exist. It’s part from the dialogue. So, I must say, that had Congress disturbed for a moment, but then it resumed its activities and has approved a number of pieces of legislation since last year.”

Re-election and hostility in São Paulo

“Look, [the incident in São Paulo] couldn’t possibly make me give up my re-election. I may not seek re-election if I start realizing, for instance, that there are too many candidate—I won’t label them, it’s not like me. But I see there are labels, referred to as far-right, far-left, and also center. I see that, for the so-called center, there are six, seven or eight candidacies, which is not useful. You have to make voters make their own decision. You have—let’s label again, which is by no means to my liking—you have someone who represents you in the far-right, and someone else who represents the far-left. There must be someone representing the center. It’s really important for the voters.

But the fact that I was went there to express solidarity, which I did… I had taken measures with the Civil Defense, which is linked to the Ministry of National Integration, to adopt every necessary action to back up Civil Defense forces of the state and municipality of São Paulo. So, I was in São Paulo, and I thought it would be neglectful of me not to be there and express my condolences and talk to the press on the scene. Interestingly enough, I went there alone. I was in another car, and it wasn’t safe. I talked to the press, as planned, and then there were slurs and nearly physical attacks. But this wasn’t enough to scare me. On the contrary, I believe I reacted bravely, and like an authority. It’s not personal courage. It’s the courage of an authority. You have to face up to these things if you’re the president. I regret that they happen at all, but I have to confront them. I don’t think it plays a role in my deciding against re-election, whether or not it’s worth it—it’s not about that.”

Have you made a decision on your re-election?

“No, this is still open until July.”

On the president’s political stance

“I believe I have a mind to observe the Constitution. More then ever I say that our Constitution is wise as the Constituency Assembly knew just how to bring together all the principles of the social state and the liberal state. You see, when it comes to the prestige of the private enterprise, the right to property, what’s written in the Constitution—that is the fruit of the liberal state. When you deal with the so-called social rights, there’s a chapter on social rights in the Constitution, including the right to housing, food—and Minha Casa Minha Vida draws inspiration from the right to housing, which is a constitutional precept. Bolsa Família is also inspired in the right to food. They’re constitutional principles. So I consider myself a man in accordance with the law, the Constitution. I am guided by this book, by what the Federal Constitution mandates. If this is center, than I’m center; but I’m more of a legalist.”

On changing the appointment system for Supreme Court justices

“When I was a member of the Constituency Assembly, I proposed a formula for the Supreme Court which stipulated the following: first, it would only take care of constitutional matters—which is of particular relevance today, as we have a Constitution that’s way too detailed, with a number of [intricate legal maneuvers] that's not acceptable. So, I was saying, it’s better to have a court considering constitutional matters alone. Second: I was proposing a nine-member court—three justices appointed by the Legislative, three by the Judiciary, and three by the Executive, all of whom with 12-year tenures, which can be extended to another 12 or 6 years, piecemeal. Of course, this wasn’t approved by the assembly. I confess, I admire the jurists at the Supreme Court, of course, but views are sure to differ, as the law allows different interpretations—sometimes considerably different at the Supreme Court, but all of them very firmly based on justices’ judicial and constitutional conceptions. But I still preserve some of the idea of a Supreme Court with appointments—made by all three branches, instead of just the president. I believe it’d prove useful.”

The appointment system should be brought back to debate

“It’s a healthy system, as it engages of all of the three government branches, representing the sovereignty of the people—that’s what the idea behind the separation of the branches is. You have agencies doing these tasks.”

Federal intervention in Rio de Janeiro

“In the first place, the intervention is not military. The term ‘military’ is often misused. But this is a civil intervention, and also constitutional. I’ve appointed a general to spearhead the intervention but he conducts it along with the Civil Police and the Military Police of Rio de Janeiro. Second, ever since we started this intervention, we’ve observed that these are issues that cannot be solved overnight or from one month to the next. I’ve served as public secretary for São Paulo state twice, and each time for nearly three years. After launching a crackdown against crime, I was fully aware that results only started to show three or four months later. Also, the intervention and the presence of its federal agents in Rio de Janeiro started to make locals at ease. It’s been nearly two months since the intervention was launched, and it’s about to show its results, even though some of its effects are already visible. You see, they’ve seized some 1.5 tons of drugs in the port of Rio de Janeiro. This comes as a result of the solid presence of law enforcement forces in Rio de Janeiro. On the other hand, also in this connection, take what happens on the hillsides, the militias, and, when not the militias, fear itself, which leads to the building of concrete obstacles, which they were patient enough to go all the way up there, almost every day, to remove. In short, the population was reassured. Security has been brought up to an acceptable minimum. The rest should come over time. It’s not going to take place overnight.

Replicating the intervention model in other states

“Not only did I carry out the intervention, I also created the Extraordinary Ministry of Public Security. Public security falls under the responsibility of the Brazilian states. We’re not going into that. We’ll spearhead and integrate public security throughout the country. So I won’t say replicate the intervention, but rather replicate, by means of the Extraordinary Ministry of Public Security, this effective presence of the federal government in the integration and coordination of security in all of the states of the federation.”

Surge in crime seen as a response to the crackdown

“It’s not a far-fetched idea. From the very beginning we heard that there could be—indeed there has been—a significant response to the Armed Forces, the ones hard at work in Rio de Janeiro. It’s not unlikely. It’s very probable, and had been more or less expected.”

The legacy of Temer’s administration

“Reduction in inflation, lower interest, and 500 thousand full-time spots in education. As for the environment, we took measures that were not adopted in previous administrations. First, as a concrete example, deforestation declined more than 15% countrywide. We’ve created the largest sea reserve, which covers kilometers of protected water. In Chapada dos Veadeiros, in Goiás state, we expanded [the protected area] by 400%. In agriculture, with loans from Banco do Brasil, we saw a record last year, and we’ll see it again this year. In health care, a previously complex issue, we’ve managed to save a significant amount of funds, which has made the delivery of thousands of ambulances and dentist’s offices possible. As mentioned before, we’ve raised the Bolsa Família allowance twice, stressing that the idea of a family dependent on food stamps should not be permanent.”

*This exclusive interview was conducted by journalists from TV Brasil and NBR, with press agents from a number of EBC news outlets.